Notes
(pp. 3-22)
1. Catastrophe and Hope
1Gil Elliot, The Twentieth Century Book of the Dead, New York 1972, p.6.
2Robert Heilbroner, An Inquiry into the Human Prospect, New York 1974.
3Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations, New York 1979.
4Robert Nisbet, History of the Idea o/Progress, New York 1980, p.318.
5lbid., p.353.
6Quoted in ibid., p.5.
7Ibid.
8Ernst Bloch, On Karl Marx, New York 1981, pp. 44-45.
9Except for the World War I casualties these are Elliot's figures.
10Ibid., p. 29.
11Bourgeois-democratic' is likely to irritate most readers, but consider the alternatives. 'Capitalist' focuses wholly on economic structures and ignores both political culture and class as central dimensions of the life of the society; 'democracy' obfuscates the social and economic reality, just as 'bourgeois' suppresses vital positive political features.
12The only parts of Bloch's monumental Das Prinzip Hoffnung, Frankfurt 1959, to be translated into English appear in Man On His Own, New York 1970, and On Karl Marx.
13Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel; Reason in History: A General Introduction to the Philosophy of History, Indianapolis 1953, p. 27.
14Ibid.
15Nisbet emphasizes the religious basis of the idea of Progress, treating secularists like Marx as exceptions. See esp. pp. 352-53.
16Georges Sorel, The Illusions of Progress, Berkeley 1969, p. 210.
2. Why? Towards a Theory of the Holocaust
1Theodor W. Adorno, Prisms, London 1967, p. 34.
2See Herbert Marcuse, The Aesthetic Dimension: Toward a Critique of Marxist Aesthetics, Boston 1977.
3See Dorothy Rabinowitz, New Lives: Survivors of the Holocaust Living in America, New York 1976.
4Fredrich Meinecke, The German Catastrophe, Boston 1963, p. 1.
5Horst yon Maltitz, The Evolution of Hitler's Germany, New York 1973, p. 291.
6See above all Thomas Mann's Doctor Faustus for a sustained exploration of the 'demonic' and its temptations. Meinecke himself refers to 'demon chance' as aiding Hitler's rise to power (p. 61). On the other hand, for a discussion of the question of
306 (pp. 22-27)
understanding Nazism in human terms see Reinhard Kühnl's outstanding sketch of the key issues and approaches, 'Problems of a Theory of German Fascism: A Critique of the Dominant Interpretations', New German Critique, No. 4, Winter 1975, pp. 42-44.
7Such theories of fascism have been sketeched by Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer in Dialectics of Enlightenment, Horkheimer himself in Eclipse of Reason (see below, ch. 5), as well as by Ernst Bloch and Herbert Marcuse. They have been developed more painstakingly and at greater length by Nicos Poulantzas in Fascism and Dictatorship and Ernst Nolte in Three Faces of Fascism. A theory of the Holocaust itself has been proposed by Richard Rubenstein in The Cunning of History. All of these works will be referred to or discussed in the course of this attempt to contribute to such a theory.
8See A. J. P. Taylor's 1961 preface to The Course of German History, London 1961; and Golo Mann, The History of Germany Since 1789, New York 1968, pp. 410-91. Mann speaks of post-1933 German history as the 'adventure of a villain who forced his will on Germany and through Germany on a large part of the world' (p. 418).
9The expropriations are discussed in Raul Hilberg's monumental The Destruction of European Jews, New York 1961, ch. v.
10Hilberg describes the considerable drain on the war economy of the cost of destroying Jews. See ibid., pp. 643-66.
11The figures are from Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem, New York 1965, p. 125. The problem is discussed by Sebastian Haffner, The Meaning of Hitler, New York 1979, p. 144.
12In The Cunning of History (New York 1978), Richard Rubenstein succumbs to this distorting process even while courageously attempting to account for the Holocaust. We should not, he says at the outset, allow our feelings about it into our reflections, because 'they can add to our difficulties at arriving at an understanding of what took place. In order to understand the Holocaust, it is necessary to adopt a mental attitude that excludes all feelings of sympathy or hostility towards both the victims and the perpetrators' (p.2). He is right insofar as uncontrolled feelings might threaten to flood over us and distort objectivity. Yet he confuses objectivity with neutrality, and so excludes from his work the personal outrage which motivates it and might indeed help him into confronting the barbaric character of the Final Solution. Perhaps this is why his effort to explain it is finally unconvincing. He speaks persuasively and correctly about the bureaucratic 'culture of modernity' which is so capable of abstracting from living and breathing human beings, of defining them as surplus population, rationally developing systems of exploiting them unto death, and finally efficiently disposing of them. But the picture he presents is all too rational and external. Missing from his account is a recognition of the Nazis' savage intentionality, the insane hatred for the Jews which impelled them to cross hitherto impassable moral barriers. The death system did indeed become bureaucratic and rationalized, but its mundane techniques should not be confused with its thoroughly evil goals. And these goals can be better appreciated if we begin by respecting our subjective response to them.
13In a remarkable effort to present a historical account integrated with personal experience, Peter Phillips, a former camp inmate, insists on overcoming the 'mental apartheid' which led to the Final Solution and on seeing the Nazis as human beings like ourselves. His point is that the Nazis succumbed to a moral disease in which they lost all sense 'that those who they were convinced were enemies of Nazism were human beings like themselves' (The Tragedy of Nazi Germany, New York 1969, p. 168). His anti-communism turns on the fact that in practice Marxism has adopted the same 'mental apartheid'. While championing human dignity the Left has often suc-
(pp. 27-31) Notes 307
cumbed to the same self-righteousness and thus in power has all too easily doomed its opponents to slaughter, (pp. 27-31).
14Ibid., pp. 204-205.
15Michael Walzer has reopened the argument over the need for rules of war. See Just and Unjust Wars, New York 1977.
16Is it possible to devise reasonably objective tests to determine whether an individual or society is mad? Might not a Nazi, an American policymaker at the time of Vietnam (or today), a defender of Stalin – all be as justified as I am in regarding their antagonists as mad? At stake here is a willingness to base our judgements on a certain conception of objective reality. Although we have become more subtle in describing and verifying this ever more complex and shifting reality, the notions of relative sanity and madness retain their moral and psychological normative force. Historical, cultural, class, and social dimensions affect our perspective on the 'objective' world before us; yet within all possible qualifications it remains possible to point to patterns of rupture in which one functions as if the world or a decisive area of it were drastically different from what it actually is. Rather than specify such norms in advance, this study intends to contribute to the problem by an analysis of specific madnesses.
17See Haffner, pp. 147-65.
18See Alan Bullock, Hitler, A Study in Tyranny, New York 1964, pp. 159-250.
19Eberhard Jäckel, Hitler's Weltanschauung: A Blueprint for Power, Middletown, Conn. 1972, pp. 58-9.
20Certainly antisemitism was if anything more widespread in Austria and Eastern Europe, and led to disastrous results In Rumania and elsewhere. Moreover Poles, Ukrainians and Lithuanians participated in the German Final Solution. In acknowledging this Mosse has argued, however, that non-Germanic antisemitism lacks the racial emphasis of the Nazi version and further, has more continuity with the earlier Christian versions. See George L. Mosse, Toward the Final Solution, New York 1978.
21I follow Yehuda Bauer's spelling. See The Holocaust in Historical Perspective, Seattle 1978, p. 8.
22Peter Merkl, The Making of a Stormtrooper, Princeton 1980, p. 225.
23See George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich, New York 1964, for the outstanding study of the 'rupture with reality' at the heart of völkisch thought. Mosse calls it a 'revolution of attitudes and feeling' (from Hitler) and, more tellingly, a 'displaced' revolution.
24Marxist studies tend to presume such functional rationality. A recent outstanding Marxist study on the inner logic of Nazism, Poulantzas's Fascism and Dictatorship (London 1974), is mute before the Nazi murder of the Jews. Similarly, Franz Neumann's Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism (New York 1944), the classic dissection of the socio-economic purposefulness of Nazi structures and policies, leaves no place for a passion, however systematically implemented, which comes from another source. His discussion of Nazi antisemitism, completed by mid 1941, rests on the threefold functionalism of the Reich's Jewish policy: as substitute for class struggle, as justification for Eastern expansion, and as expressing Nazi rejection of Christian morality. Both studies tend to be undermined by the fact that one of the Nazi war's primary aims, announced by Hitler early in 1939, was the supremely irrational one of killing all the Jews, and by the fact (available to Neumann as he was preparing his 1944 revision) that this goal was being pursued in determined indifference to and even counter to the war effort. For a critique of Poulantzas which emphasizes his instrumentalism see Anson Rabinbach, 'Poulantzas and the Problem of Fascism', New German Critique, No. 8, Spring 1976.
25'Official Party Manifesto on the Position of the nsdap With Regard to the Farming Population and Agriculture' in Gottfried Feder, Hitler's Official Programme and its
308 (pp. 31-35)
Fundamental Ideas, New York 1971, p. 31.
26Quoted from Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts in Alex Bein, 'The Jewish
Parasite', Leo Baeck Year Book ix, London 1964, p. 22.
27Ibid., p. 24.
28Ibid., pp. 26-7.
29Ibid., pp. 27-8
30Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, Boston 1943, p. 678.
31See Mosse, Toward the Final Solution, pp. 222-4; see also his Nazism: A Historical and Comparative Analysis of National Socialism, An interview with Michael A. Ledeen, New Brunswick 1978, p. 20.
32In addition to Hilberg's work, see Lucy S. Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews 1933-1945, New York 1975.
33See Florence R. Miale and Michael Seizer, The Nuremberg Mind: The Psychology of the Nazi Leaders, New York 1975.
34See Hannah Arendt's discussion of 'language rules' in Eichmann in Jerusalem, pp. 80-82; and George Steiner, !The Hollow Miracle', in Language and Silence, New York 1967.
35Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, ch. 8, 'A Retrospective View'.
36The figure are from Hilberg, p. 576 and Heinz Höhne, The Order of the Death's Head: The Story of Hitler's ss, New York 1970, p. 358.
37See Walter Laqueur, The Terrible Secret: Suppression of the Truth about Hitler's 'Final Solution', New York 1980.
38Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority' An Experimental View, New York 1974, p. 13.
39Subjects were instructed to administer electric shocks to 'learners' who made mistakes. What they supposed was an experiment about the relationship of punishment to learning in others became, in reality, an effort to test the limits of their own willingness to obey authority when commanded to harm another human being.
The 'learner' was strapped to what resembled an electric chair. He received no actual shock, but was an actor who expressed a carefully rehearsed series of responses. When the 'learner' was placed in a separate room and could not be seen or heard, but pounded on the walls, 26 of 40 subjects moved step to step to administer what they had been told was the maximum shock of 450 volts. When voice feedback came through the walls, 25 of 40 obeyed to the end. When the victim was placed in the same room, 16 of 40 administered the maximum shock; when the subjects themselves had to force the victim's hand onto a shock plate, only 12 of 40 continued to the end. In each case, the rest defied the experimenter and broke off at some point.
Milgram concludes that when in modem industrial society, 'an independently functioning unit becomes part of a system, his conscience, which regulates impulsive aggressive action, is per force diminished at the point of entering a hierarchical structure' (p. 133). In this 'agentic' state the usual inhibitions imposed by one's conscience are out of play: instead of seeing himself as acting out of his own purposes, the individual regards himself as the agent who executes the wishes of another person. He becomes responsible to the authority directing him but not responsible for the content of the actions required by the authority.
40Milgram's findings have been widely taken as illuminating the dissociation from responsibility and subsequent extension of violence characteristic of the twentieth century. See for example, Barrington Moore Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt, White Plains, N.Y. 1978, p. 329. Also pp. 94-100.
41I refer here to the sense of authority Milgram seems to presuppose, as well as to how he himself operates as authority in conducting the experiment. Milgram's view, and his method of operation, seem to leave no room for a responsible, honest, benign
(pp. 35-48) Notes 309
authority who is in tune with his subjects. How else can we view an experiment in which people hired to assist are unwittingly transformed into subjects?
42Ibid., p. 133.
43Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, p. 98.
44Höhne, The Order of the Death's Head, pp. 363-4.
45Ibid., p. 327.
46Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, p. 201.
47Even so, the evidence compiled by Laqueur means that by late 1942 'millions in Germany knew' that Jews were being killed (p. 32).
48Quoted in Mosse, Toward the Final Solution, p. 207
49'Little men gone wild'. See Milton Mayer, They Thought They Were Free, Chicago 1955 (p. 51), referring to T. Abel (1934), mentioned below (p.58) in note 84.
50See Mosse, Nazism, pp. 61-2.
51Henry Pachter, Modern Germany: A Social, Cultural, and Political History, Boulder 1978, p. 240.
52See J.P. Stern, Hitler: The Führer and the People, Berkeley 1975, pp. 9-22.
53Merkl, p. 223.
54For Merkl's discussion of the levels of intensity of antisemitism and of the especially dangerous character of the paranoia see his Political Violence under the Swastika, Princeton 1975, pp. 498-501.
55Merkl, The Making of a Stormtrooper, p. 224.
56Karl A. Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz: Nazi Policy Toward German Jews 1933 – 1939, Urbana, Illinois 1970, ch. iii.
57Bullock, Hitler, p. 381.
58Quoted from G. M. Gilbert, Psychology of Dictatorship, New York 1950, p. 255; in Höhne, The Order of the Death's Head, pp. 388-9.
59Yehuda Bauer, 'Genocide: was it the Nazis' Original Plan?' Annals of the American Association of Political and Social Science, No. 450, July 1980, p. 45.
60I suspect it is primarily this logic that has led Lucy Dawidowicz to argue that extermination was Hitler's fixed and abiding purpose from late 1918 (see p.208). Schleune's study indicates otherwise; therefore I find convincing the refutations of Dawidowicz by Bauer and Henry L. Feingold (Jewish Social Studies, no. 38, Winter 1976, pp. 82-5).
61Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism, New York 1966, p. 401.
62Peter Phillips places great emphasis on the system of terror and conditioning. See The Tragedy of Nazi Germany, ch. 4.
63This is well described in William Sheridan Allen's account of the first months of Nazism in power in Thälberg. See The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1930-1935, Chicago 1965, Part Two.
64See Höhne, The Order of the Death's Head, pp. 370-3, 397-400.
65See Ibid., pp. 394-6.
66See Richard Grunberger, The 12-Year Reich: A Social History of Nazi Germany 1933-1945, New York 1971, pp. 460-6.
67J. Barrington Moore Jr., The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World, Boston 1966, p. 437.
68Ibid., pp. 413-508.
69In addition to George L. Mosse's writings cited above, see his Germans and Jews: The Right, the Left, and the Search for a 'Third Force' in pre-Nazi Germany, New York 1970, ch. 2 and 3.
70Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, p. 151.
71Ibid., p. 154.
310 (pp. 48-61)
72Ibid., p. 301.
73Moore, Social Origins, p. 291.
74Quoted in Rail Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany, Garden City 1969, p. 67.
75Schleunes, ch. 1.
76Moore, Injustice, p. 329.
77Sebastian Haffner, Failure of a Revolution: Germany 1918-19, London 1973, p. 14.
78Ibid., p. 77. See also pp. 81-2.
79For the prehistory of this fratricide see Carl E. Schorske, German Social Democracy 1905-1917: The Development of the Great Schism, Cambridge, Mass. 1955, Part v.
80Pachter, p. 104.
81Moore, Injustice pp. 398-411; see Kühnl, 'Problems of a Theory of German Fascism,' pp. 28-31.
82Merkl, Political Violence under the Swastika, p. x.
83Moore, Injustice, pp. 412-13.
84Theodore Abel, Why Hitler Came into Power, New York 1938.
85Nolte, pp. 312-23.
86Nazi ideology is studied by Jäckel as well as by Horst yon Maltitz, The Evolution of Hitler's Germany (New York 1973). Although they have both rightly insisted on the theoreticians of 'opportunism') and on the internal coherence of the Nazi world view, both stop short of doing for the Nazi period what Mosse does for the pre-Nazi-period – namely, of showing the internal logic of völkisch thought.
87Neumann, p. 37.
88Mein Kampf, pp. 442-51.
89Moore, Injustice, p. 32.
90See for example, The Crisis of German Ideology, ch. 17, and Nazism, pp. 120-22.
91See David Schoenbaum, Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany 1933-39, Garden City 1967, pp. 132-43.
92Poulantzas, pp. 237-64.
93Ibid., p. 98.
94For a discussion of recent Marxist thinking on this question see Anson Rabinbach, 'Toward a Marxist Theory of Fascism and National Socialism', New German Critique, no. 11, Spring 1977, p. 138.
95Poulantzas, pp. 71-113.
96Schoenbaum, Hitler's Social Revolution, p. 285.
97See Karl Hardach, The Political Economy of Germany in the Twentieth Century, Berkeley 1980, pp. 64-9.
98George Lichtheim, The Concept of Ideology and Other Essays, New York 1967 p. 227.
99Ernst Bloch, 'Nonsynchronism and the Obligation to its Dialectics', New German Critique, no. 11, p. 35.
100See Rabinbach, pp. 137-8.
l01Bloch, p. 22.
l02Ibid., p. 35.
103Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology, Garden City 1965, p. 361.
104Schleunes, p. viii.
105See Bauer, 'Genocide', pp. 41-2.
106Moore, Injustice, pp. 403-9.
107Barrington Moore's works form perhaps the most sophisticated argument for this
(pp. 61-69) Notes 311
position. In addition to Injustice see Social Origins, where the democracy and gradualism of liberal capitalist society are compared with fascism and Communism.
l08Bloch, p. 28.
109Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, New York 1982, p. 185.
ll0Herbert Marcuse, Foreward to Negations: Essays in Critical Theory, Boston 1968, p. xii.
3. Why? Towards a Theory of The Soviet Holocaust
1Reported by John Reed, Ten Days that Shook the World, London 1977, p. 131.
2Ibid., p. 132.
3Ibid., p. 133.
4Ibid.
5Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, London 1967, vol. iii, p. 304.
6Leon Trotsky, My Life, New York 1970, p 337.
7No doubt, as David Rousset admits, 'it was only one part of the proletariat which constituted the political corps of the state.' But, he argues, 'it is never more than a fraction of the bourgeoisie which administers the bourgeois state. It is therefore legitimate and necessary to characterize the state produced by the revolution as a workers' state.' See The Legacy of The Bolshevik Revolution, London 1982, p. 17.
8See J. P. Nettl, The Soviet Achievement, New York 1967, ch. iv.
9See Raphael R. Abramovitch, The Soviet Revolution 1917–1939, New York 1962, p. 356. David Rousset, in an analysis of Stalinism as the triumph of Thermidor and the restoration of private property, dwells entirely on the negative logic of the new class society, nowhere even mentioning its accomplishments. Similarly, in Anton Antonov-Ovseenko's account, Stalinism is made to seem as a great obstacle to social and technological progress. 'Joseph the Builder expended all of his extraordinary energy in helping to foul up the industrialization of the country. Stalin's leadership created unbelievable extra difficulties which the workers had to heroically overcome. What the Soviet people were able to build in the first five-year plan was the accomplishment exclusively of the people themselves.' (The Time of Stalin, New York 1981, p. 73).
10Francis B. Randall, Stalin's Russia: An Historical Reconsideration, New York 1965, p. 283.
11Ibid, p. 282.
12Maurice Dobb, Soviet Economic Development Since 1917, London 1966, p. 300.
13A preoccupation with statistics, striking as they may be – industrial production trebled from 1928 to 1940; by 1940 the ussr had more doctors per thousand people than the us, Britain, Germany or France – may lead us to distort their impact and, eventually to ask the wrong questions. Thus Peter Berger wonders out loud whether Russia might not have industrialized equally – or perhaps even more – rapidly under a different social system (Pyramids of Sacrifice: Political Ethics and Social Change, New York 1976, p. 84). I agree with Berger that any assessment of Soviet (or Chinese) socialism that ignores its 'hecatombs of victims is morally contemptible' (p. 95). Yet what sort of contempt then do we heap on an assessment that denies its achievement? The point is that the basis for a new society was created in scarcely a dozen years from a painfully backward one – a highly organized, productive, literate, modern industrial society. Its physical and human size, its low level of development, and its diversity make the achievement all. the more striking. The official Soviet analysis is presented in
312 (pp. 69-81)
N. A. Voznesensky, Soviet Economy During the Second World War, New York 1949; see also Alexander Werth, Russia At War 1941-45, New York 1965, pp. 569-77.
14Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: Stalin's Purge of the 1950s, New York 1968, pp. 23-4.
15Until Soviet sources become available, writes Alec Nove, all estimates of the human toll (Conquest, pp. 523-35) are at best highly speculative (Soviet Studies, vol. xx, October 1968, pp. 536-42). He and S.G. Wheatcroft (Soviet Studies, vol. xxxiii, April 1981, pp. 265-95) both would lower Conquest's figures, but at the moment they are the most complete and carefully researched we have.
16Conquest, pp. 538-9.
17Antonov-Ovseenko, pp. 214-15.
18Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism, New York 1973, p. 349.
19Antonov-Ovseenko, p. 344.
20Jean-Paul Sartre, 'Socialism in One Country', New Left Review no. 100, p. 150.
21Conquest, p. 479. [For a discussion of Solzhenitzyn's political evolution see Daniel Singer, The Road to Gdansk, New York 1981, pp. 19-60.]
22Issac Deutscher, Stalin: A Political Biography, New York 1967, p. 32.
23Deutscher, The Unfinished Revolution: Russia 1917-1967, London 1967. p. 34.
24Leon Trotsky, 'The Revolution Betrayed, London 1937, pp. 61-2.
25Ibid., p. 18.
26Ibid., p. 255.
27Ibid., p. 38.
28Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast: Trotsky: 1929-1940, London 1963, p. 95. Hereafter, po.
29Ibid., p. 69.
30Ibid., p. 96.
31Ibid., pp. 67-8.
32Conquest, p. 26.
33Deutscher, Stalin, p. 568.
34Antonov-Ovseenko, p. 346.
35Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists, Princeton 1967, p. 228.
36Stephen F. Cohen, Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography, 1888-1938, Oxford 1980, p. 106.
37Leonard Schapiro, The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, New York 1964, p. 204.
38Ibid., p. 206.
39See Paul Avrich ed., The Anarchists in the Russian Revolution, Ithaca, N. Y. 1973, pp. 158-9.
40Deutscher, The Prophet Armed: Trotsky 1879-1921, London 1954. pp. 518-19. Hereafter, pa.
4lDeutscher, The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky: 1921-1929, New York 1958, p. 5. Hereafter, pu.
42V. I. Lenin, 'Speech ... Dedicated to the Third Anniversary of the October Revolution, 6 November 1920', Collected Works, vol. 31, Moscow 1966, p. 399. David Rousset calls this outlook the 'ABC of Leninism'; see The Legacy of the Bolshevik Revolution, p. 90. See also E. H. Carr, A History of Soviet Russia: Socialism in One
Country 1924-1926, vol. 1. Baltimore 1970, p. 107.
43Carr, Ibid., p. 115.
44Ibid., p. 149.
45Deutscher, pa, pp. 508-9.
46See Rousset, pp. 37-73.
(pp. 81-103) Notes 313
47Moshe Lewin, Lenin's Last Struggle, New York 1968, p. 3.
48Roger Pethybridge, The Social Prelude to Stalinism, New York 1974, p. 8.
49Lewin, pp. 16-17.
50Ibid., p. 16.
51Ibid., pp. 18-19.
52Deutscher, pa, p. 516.
53Peter Arshinov, History of the Makhnovist Movement 1918-1932, Detroit 1974, p. 268.
54Deutscher, pu, p. 9.
55Arshinov, p. 37.
56Rousset, p. 37. For a balanced and detailed discussion of the rise and fall of workers' control, see Carmen Sirianni, Workers Control and Socialist Democracy, London 1982.
57V.I. Lenin, What is to be Done, Selected Works, vol. 1, Moscow, 1970, p. 143.
58Ibid., p. 213.
59Herbert Marcuse, Soviet Marxism: A Critical Analysis, New York 1961, p. 17.
60V.I. Lenin, State and Revolution, Selected Works, vol. 2, p. 376.
61Ibid., p. 392.
62What Is to Be Done, pp. 231-32.
63State and Revolution, p, 271.
64Deutscher, pu, pp. 14-15.
65Pethybridge, p. 37.
66Ibid., p. 35.
67Ibid., p. 8.
68Deutscher, pu, p. 139.
69Ibid., p. 14.
70V. I. Lenin, 'Report... to the Tenth Party Congress', Selected Works, vol. 3, p. 569.
71V. I. Lenin, 'Report... to the Eleventh Party Congress', Selected Works, vol. 3, p. 693.
72Lucio Colletti, 'The Question of Stalin', Robin Blackburn ed., Revolution and Class Struggle: A Reader in Marxist Politics, Sussex 1978, p. 179.
73Sartre, 'Socialism in One Country', p. 152.
74Ibid., p. 160.
75Ibid., p. 148.
76Ibid., p. 161.
77Lewin, Lenin's Last Struggle, p. 136.
78Deutscher, po, p. 271.
79Ibid., p. 272.
80Deutscher, pu, p. 315.
81David Rousset sees in the political shifts only analogues of the root economic change – restoring capitalism and severing the proletariat at work in the factory from the proletariat managing their labour. I think Rousset's approach too deductive; he does not give a proper weight to the ways in which the state became autonomous: Theda Scokpol has better appreciated this phenomenon in States and Social Revolution, Cambridge, 1979.
82Leon Trotsky, The Real Situation in Russia, New York 1928, p. 24.
83Deutscher, pu, pp. 274-5.
84Trotsky, The Real Situation in Russia, p. 115.
85Deutscher, pa, p. 96.
86Ibid., p. 132.
87Deutscher, po, pp. 170-1.
88Leon Trotsky, The Stalin School of Falsification, New York 1938, pp. 89-99.
314 (pp. 103-120)
89Deutscher, Po, p. 303-4.
90R. W. Davies, The Socialist Offensive: The Collectivization of Soviet Agriculture, 1929-1930, London 1980, p. 382.
91Cohen, Bukharin, p. 266.
92Moshe Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power: A Study of Collectivization, Evanston, Illinois 1968, p. 462.
93E. H. Carr and R. W. Davies, A History of Soviet Russia: Foundations of a Planned Economy 1926-1929, vol. I-1, New York 1969, p. 327.
94Roy Medvedev, The October Revolution, New York 1979, pp. 177-87.
95Carr and Davies, I-1, p. 327.
96Davies, ch. 1, See p. 10.
97Carr and Davies, I-1, p. 218.
98Deutscher, PO, p. 96.
99Carr and Davies, I-1, p. 217.
100Lewin, Russian Peasants, p. 460.
101Lewin, 'The Social Background of Stalinism', in Robert C. Tucker ed., Stalinism:
Essays in Historical Interpretation, New York 1977, p. 122.
102Davies, p. 52.
103E. H. Carr, A History of Soviet Russia: Foundations of a Planned Economy 1926-1929, vol. 2, New York 1971, p. 179.
104Carr and Davies, I-l, p. 264.
105Ibid., p. 265.
106Cohen, Bukharin, p., 296.
107Deutscher, Stalin, p. 324.
108Cohen, Bukharin, p. 303.
109Deutscher, Stalin, p. 328.
110Cohen, Bukharin, p. 248.
111Rousset, ch. 7-8.
112Bruce R. Franklin, ed., The Essential Stalin, Garden City, New York 1973, p. 257.
113Nettl, pp. 134-5.
114Lewin, Russian Peasants, p. 445
115See Ibid., pp. 41-80 and 'Conclusion'.
116Ibid., p. 460
117Roy Medvedev, On Stalin and Stalinism, Oxford 1979, pp. 73-4.
118Deutscher, Stalin, pp. 321-2.
119Robert C. Tucker and Stephen F. Cohen eds., The Great Purge Trial, New York 1965, p. 657.
120The Great Purge Trial, pp. 687-88.
121Antonov-Ovseenko estimates that 500,000 were involved.
122Ibid., pp. 272-96.
123Nikita Khrushchev, The Anatomy of Terror, Washington 1956, p. 34.
124Alec Nave, Was Stalin Really Necessary?, London 1964, p. 27.
125Medvedev, Let History Judge, p. 564.
126See, for example: Nave, Khrushchev, Cohen, Medvedev.
127Franklin presents this position in his introduction.
128See Adam Ulam, The Bolsheviks: The Intellectual and Political History of The Triumph of Communism in Russia, New York 1965.
129Cohen, 'Bolshevism and Stalinism', in Stalinism, p. 12.
130To be sure, David Rousset, in a reducto ad absurdum of Marxist derivation of politics from socio-economic structures, insists on the socio-economic source of the worst excesses of the Terror. No doubt they achieved a vital function (see his ch. 13), but were their sources entirely economic?.
131Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique de la raison dialectique, ii (Manuscript), p. 432.
(pp. 121-142) Notes 315
132Ibid., p. 445.
133Nave, pp. 24-5.
134Deutscher, Stalin, p. 328.
135Nore, p. 29.
136See his introduction to The Great Purge Trial.
137Medvedev, Let History Judge, pp. 324-5.
138Ibid., p. 326.
139Ibid., p. 313.
140Rousset traces the Soviet Union's legal structures, then and now, to the years of Terror. His point is to show that the Terror created today's structures and social relations. See his ch. 17-20.
141Medvedev, Let History Judge, p. 330
142Franklin, p. 243.
143Ibid., pp. 367-8.
144Lewin, 'The Social Background of Stalinism', p. 113.
145Medvedev, Let History Judge, p. 356.
146Ibid., p. 351.
147Deutscher, po, p. 346.
148Conquest, p. 485. Antonov-Ovseenko's estimates are even higher. See The Time of Stalin, pp. 205-13.
149Conquest., pp. 316-17.
150Ibid., p. 345.
151Ibid., p. 112.
152Ibid., p. 179.
153Quoted in Lewin, Lenin's Last Struggle, p. v.
154Deutscher, po, p. 151.
155Quoted in Trotsky, The Russian Revolution, p. 223.
4. The Bourgeois-Democratic Holocaust: America's
Vietnam
1Samuel 13:19-20, The Prophets, Philadelphia 1978, p. 126.
2Ibid., 17:4-8, p. 135
3Ibid., 17:24, p. 136.
4Ibid., 17:33, pp. 136-7.
5Ibid., 17:8-9, p. 135.
6Ibid., 17:40-1, p. 137.
7Ibid., 17:41-2, p. 137.
8Ibid., 17:45, p. 137.
9Ibid., 17:49-51, p. 138.
10The opposite argument is made by Norman Podhoretz, Why We Were in Vietnam, New York 1982; see especially the first and last chapters.
11For the history according to this analysis see James Pinckney Harrison, The Endless War, New York 1982.
12George C. Herring, America's Longest War: The United States and Vietnam 1950-1975, New York, 1979, p. 220.
13Like every aspect of the .war, the estimates are debated. In his America in Vietnam, Gunter Lewy relies on official American sources to arrive at his estimate of slightly over one million killed (New York 1978, p. 453); James Pinckney Harrison apparently uses Vietnamese estimates of over 1.7 million. See his Endless War, p. 301.
14Leslie Gelb, The Irony of Vietnam: The System Worked, 'Washington 1979, see especially Introduction, ch.13.
316 (pp. 142-147)
15Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman, After the Cataclysm: Postwar Indochina and the Reconstruction of American Ideology; The Political Economy of Human Rights, vol. ii, Boston 1979, pp. 7-11.
16See for example James Fallows' review of Norman Podhoretz, Why We Were in Vietnam, New York Times Book Review, 28 March 1982, p. 7.
17Noam Chomsky, Towards A New Cold War: Essays on the Current Crisis and How We Got There, New York 1982, especially Introduction, ch. 3-4.
18See below, ch. 7.
19Major General Nguyen Duy Hinh and Brigadier General Tran Dinh Tho, The
South Vietnamese Society, Washington 1980, p. 135.
20Ibid.
21Douglas Pike, Viet Cong: The Organization and Techniques of The National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, Cambridge, Mass. 1966, p. 58.
22Ibid., p. 29. See also an earlier discussion in Philllpe Devillers, 'Ngo Dinh Diem and the Struggle for Reunification in Vietnam' in Marvin E. Gettleman ed., Vietnam: History, Documents and Opinions on a Major World Crisis, Greenwich, Conn. 1965, p. 211.
23This dimension of the first Indochina war is made clear by Jeffrey Race, War Comes to Long An: Revolutionary Conflict in a Vietnamese Province, Berkeley 1972, pp. 3-43.
24The early history of this process, reaching back into the 1920s, shows how the Communist Party became the dominant nationalist forces. See Part One of Harrison, and ch. 1-7 of William J. Duiker, The Communist Road to Power in Vietnam, Boulder, Colo, 1981.
25Ibid. Subsequent studies discuss various aspects of the superior vitality, intelligence, courage and commitment of the Viet Cong. See for example John T. McAlister, Jr. and Paul Mus, The Vietnamese and Their Revolution, New York 1970, Frances FitzGerald, Fire in the Lake (see below), and Paul Berman, Revolutionary Organization, Lexington, Mass. 1974. All writers agree, in Berman's words, that '[t]he genius of the Communist Model in Vietnam was its ability to create a revolutionary organization that reflected the past even as it attempted to reshape the future. (p. 207). That is, the Communists alone were able to transform the traditional Vietnamese outlook into the pointing towards independence and modernization. See also Duiker, p. 324.
26Race, p. 189.
27Ibid., p. 20.
28Ibid., p. 32.
29Ibid., p. 47.
30Ibid., p. 68.
31Ibid., p, 19.
32Ibid., p. 41.
33Ibid., p. 5.
34Ibid., p. 42.
35Ibid.
36Harrison estimates that they controlled up to 60 per cent of the territory and one third the population. See his discussion, pp. 98-129.
37Race details who was left and who regrouped, pp. 32-7.
38Generals Hinh and Tho address Diem's efforts to remove the French presence, pp. 34-6.
39Frances FitzGerald, Fire In The Lake: The Vietnamese and The Americans in Vietnam, New York 1972, ch. 3.
40Robert Scheer, 'The Genesis of United States Support For Ngo Dinh Diem, in
(pp. 147-158) Notes 317
Gettleman, p. 251.
41see FitzGerald, ch. 1.
42Norman Podhoretz is the outstanding current example. See his defence of 'containment' in ch. 2 of Why We Were in Vietnam.
43Pike, pp. 71-3; see also Wesley Fishel, 'Vietnam's Democratic One-Man Rule', in Gettleman, p. 195-204.
44Pike, p. 110.
45Devillers, p. 234.
46Fitzgerald, p. 320.
47See the review by Dennis Duncanson, Pacific Affairs, Spring 1977.
48Nguyen Cao Ky, Twenty Years and Twenty Days, New York 1978, p. 27.
49Ibid., p. 45.
50Ibid., p. 137.
51Ibid.
52Nguyen Thi Dinh, No Other Road to Take, Ithaca, New York 1976, pp. 44-5.
53Harrison, p. 20.
54Nguyen Thi Dinh, p. 54.
55Ibid., p. 55.
56McAlister and Mus, p. 160.
57Nguyen Cao Ky, p. 225.
58Nguyen Hi Dinh, p. 77. To be sure, the Communist outlook does more than reflect the traditional Vietnamese outlook. Paul Barman argues that the 'revolutionary would appear to have an identity quite different from that of the peasant in the village settings. Critical dimensions of the Vietnamese model personality would have had to have been transformed: rather than acceptance of nature, there is mastery over fate; rather than denial of emotion, there is hate, enthusiasm, zealotry; rather than political apathy, there is politicization; rather than self-fulfilment, there is self-sacrifice; rather than devotion to the family, there is commitment to the organization.' (p. 87). See also footnote 25 above.
59Samuel Huntington, 'The Bases of Accommodation', Foreign Affairs, June 1968.
quoted in Harrison, p. 195.
60Estimated at 15,000 by the New York Times, 25,000 by its organizers.
61Herring, p. 125.
62The Pentagon Papers: The Defence Department History of us Decision making on Vietnam (The Senator Gravel Edition); vol. iii, Boston 1971, p. 153.
63Ibid.
64Ibid., p. 315.
65Ibid., p. 689.
66Ibid., p. 316.
67The quote is from Taylor, Gelb, p. 119. See also Hefting, pp. 126-31.
68Herring, p. 130.
69Pentagon Papers, vol. iii, Boston 1971 p. 309.
70Pentagon Papers, ii, p. 321.
71Ibid., pp. 343-8.
72Pentagon Papers, iii, p. 311.
73See William Darryl Henderson, Why the Vietcong Fought: A Study of Motivation and Control in a Modern Army in Combat, Westport, Conn. 1979, ch. 3.
74See Race, p. 208.
75Podhoretz's attempt to revive the justification for the war was based, from beginning to end, on the claim of a Northern invasion.
76Gelb, p. 110.
77Pentagon Papers, ii, p. 204.
318 (pp. 158-167)
78Pentagon Papers, iii, p. 314, Gelb, p. 119.
79See George Herring's discussion of the military and domestic political miscalculations, pp. 143-44.
80Wilfred Burchett quotes as Kissinger's cable to Nixon on 13 October 1972: 'We've been doublecrossed. Bomb! Bomb! Bomb!' He claims this text is 'known in well-informed journalistic circles'; Grasshoppers and Elephants: Why Vietnam Fell, New York 1977, p. 169.
81Herring, p. 249.
82See Harrison, p. 288.
83Pentagon Papers, iv, p. 420.
84Noam Chomsky, For Reasons of State, New York 1973, pp. 70-87.
85For a presentation of the concept see Harrison, pp. 159-68.
86FitzGerald, p. 344.
87Chomsky, For Reasons of State, p. 78.
88See, for example, Harrison's discussion of Operation Cedar Falls, p. 262.
89Quoted in Herring, p. 189.
90Gunther Lewy, and following him, Podhoretz, minimize the damage. See Choresky's review of Lewy in chapter 5 of Towards a New Cold War.
91Harrison, p. 115.
92Quoted from the Dictionary of US Military Terms in Raphael Littauer and Norman Uphoff eds.. The Air War in Indochina, revised edn, Boston 1972, p. 18.
93Harrison, p. 255.
94Ibid, p. 339.
95The North Vietnamese estimate was 55,000 tons, cited by Burchett, p. 167; the American estimate was 36,000 tons, cited by Herring, p. 248.
96Littauer and Uphoff, p, 86; Harrison, p. 301.
97Littauer and Uphoff, p. 95.
98Ibid., p. 249.
99Quoted in Noam Chomsky, At War with Asia, New York 1970, pp. 54-5.
100Harrison, pp. 301-4.
101Littauer and Uphoff, p. 63.
102Ibid., p. 93.
103Yehuda Bauer, The Holocaust in Historical Perspective, p. 35.
104Senator Fulbright's description, quoted in a striking comment by T.D. Allman, Chomsky and Herman, p. 8.
105Jean-Paul Sartre, 'On Genocide', John Duffet ed., Against The Crime of Silence; Proceedings of The Russell International War Crimes Tribunal, New York 1968, p. 617.
l06For example, the Fallows review of Podhoretz cited above.
l07Gunter Lewy devotes a section of America in Vietnam to attacking the 'War Crimes Industry' and another to refuting the charge of genocide.
108Robert Jay Lifton, Home from The War: Vietnam Veterans: Neither Victims nor Executioners, New York 1983, p. 65.
109Ibid., pp. 42-3.
110Ibid., p. 44.
111FitzGerald, p. 375.
112Lifton, p. 45.
113FitzGerald, p. 369.
114Estimates differ as to how many were killed. See Lifton, pp. 62-3; Harrison, p. 194.
115Lifton, p. 50.
ll6Harrison (p. 194) cites a list of some thirty massacres between 1965 and 1969.
(pp. 167-186) Notes 319
117FitzGerald, p. 83.
118Ibid., p. 346.
119Ibid., p. 317.
120Ibid., p. 348.
121See Harrison, pp. 120-2, pp. 243-5.
122Fitzgerald, p. 384.
123Ibid., p. 353.
124Ibid., p. 349.
125Michael Walzer, 'Comment', Dissent, Spring 1965, pp. 155-6.
126Chomsky and Kolko both recognized it but did not draw their sense of the policy's gross irrationality into the heart of their analysis.
127Leon Trotsky, The Russian Revolution, Garden City, 1959, p. 4.
128Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Pony, Collected
Works, vol. 6, New York 1976, pp. 487-8.
129Joyce and Gabriel Kolko, The Limits of Power: The World and United States
Foreign Policy, 1945-1954, New York 1972, p. 710.
130Ibid., p. 11.
131Heilbroner, p. 44.
132Gelb, p. 240.
133Doris Kearns, Lyndon ,Johnson and The American Dream, New York 1975, p. 263.
134Kearns, p. 26.
135Herring, p. 220.
136Podhoretz, p. 197.
137Gabriel Kolko, 'Summary of a Historical Report', Duffet, p. 63.
138Kearns, p. 260.
139Ibid., p. 329.
140Ibid., p. 331.
141Kolko, 'The American Goals in Vietnam', Pentagon Papers, v.
142Druiker, p. 262.
143Ibid., pp. 262-3, p. 290.
144Ibid., pp. 303-4.
145Captured documents validate the central role, from a very early date, of' North Vietnam, and thus decisively resolve an old argument. Having studied the documents, Druiker attempts to place the relations between the drv and nlf in perspective by concluding that 'the insurgency was a genuine revolt based in the South, but it was organized and directed from the North.' (p. 198).
146Harrison, p. 19.
147See Herring, p. 224.
148Druiker explores the tensions felt by the Communists between a political and a military emphasis. See pp. 240-265.
149Truong Nhu Tang, 'The Myth of a Liberation', The New York Review of Books, 21 October 1982, p. 36.
150Truong Nhu Tang, p. 35.
151Harrison, p. 301.
152Ibid.
153Don Luce, 'Making Vietnam "Feel Pain" ', The Notion, 27 March 1982, p. 363.
154See William Shawcross, Side-Show: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia, New York 1979, ch. 24.
155Chomsky and Herman, pp. 10-17.
156Harrison, p. 314.
157'Do the recent events in Cambodia warrant a reconsideration of our opposition to
320 (pp. 186-211)
the Vietnam War?' was the organizing question of a 1978 symposium in Dissent. The participants, Noam Chomsky, Hans Morgenthau, and Michael Walzer all agreed, in Morgenthau's words that 'the moral case for resistance to the Vietnam War has not been impaired, but rather strengthened, by the catastrophe that has befallen Cambodia.' (Fall 1978, p. 390).
5. Afterword to Catastrophe, Preface to Hope
1Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique of Dialectical Reason, London 1976, p. 132.
2The Communist Manifesto, p. 488.
3Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, p. 30.
4See Shlomo Avineri, Karl Marx on Colonialism and Modernization, New York 1968, esp. Introduction and p. 439.
5Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, London 1967, vol.I, p. 23.
6Ibid., p. 22.
7See the recent re-examination of the literature by Ronald Grigor Suny, 'Toward a Social History of the October Revolution', The American Historical Review, vol. 88, no. 1, February 1983.
8Karl Marx, Preface to the First German Edition of Captial, Moscow 1961, pp. 8-9.
9Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy. Collected Works, vol. 6, p. 166.
10Jean-Paul Sartre, foreward to R. D. Laing and D. G. Cooper, Reason and Violence, London 1964, p. 7.
11The Communist Manifesto, p. 489.
12Lewis Mumford, The Myth of the Machine: vol. Il. The Pentagon of Power, New York 1970, p.168.
13Ibid., pp. 171-2.
14Ibid., pp. 253-8.
15Edmund Stillman and William Pfaff, The Politics of Hysteria, New York 1964, p. 249.
16Max Horkheimer, Eclipse of Reason, New York 1947, pp. 108-9.
17The phrase is from André Glucksmann; The Master Thinkers, New York 1980.
18Horkheimer, p. 94.
19Ibid., p. 119.
20Ibid., pp. 119-120.
21Ibid., p. 120.
22Ibid., pp. 120-1.
23Bloch, 'Nonsynchronism and the Obligation to its Dialectics', p. 26.
24Once we pass beyond Hitler, we find few such examples of absolute Evil, and encounter instead the more confusing realities of good-and-evil intermingled. Which is why Stalin, even today, receives and deserves both respect and detestation; why anti-communism can be both so regressive and so accurate; why capitalism can be correctly seen as both brutally exploitative and humane and democratic; why Zionism can be treated both as the great pride of a great people and a latter-day form of colonialism. Once we pass Hitler, the path through the century becomes morally, intellectually and emotionally more complex. We strain to apply concepts and labels drawn from that struggle of light against darkness in the grey world in which we mostly live.
25Viktor E. Frankl, Man's Search for Meaning: An Introduction to Logotherapy, New York 1963, p. 132.
26Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews, p. 459.
27Ibid., p. 447.
28Frankl, p. 105.
29The argument is developed and criticized in my Jean-Paul Sartre – Philosophy in
(pp. 211-230) Notes 321
the World, London 1981, pp. 76-7.
30Karl Marx. 'Theses on Feuerbach', in Early Writings, Harmondsworth 1977.
31Harold Fletcher, Rescue in Denmark, New York 1963.
32'The Revolt in the Death-Camp, Treblinka', Dos Neie Lehen, Lodz, 10 May 1945, p. 8; in Yuri Suhl ed., They Fought Back: The Story of the Jewish Resistance in Nazi Europe, New York 1975, p. 133.
33Samuel Rajzman, 'Uprising in Treblinka', ibid.; p. 131.
34Jean-François Steiner, Treblinka, New York 1967.
6. Zionism and the Palestinians
1See Ephraim Kishon's 'apocalyptic appeal' for an Israeli nuclear deterrent cited in David Hirst, The Gun and the Olive Branch: The Roots of Violence in the Middle East, New York 1977, pp. 350-1. The case for an Israeli nuclear strategy is put by Shai Feldman, Israeli Nuclear Deterrent: A Strategy for the 80s, New York 1982.
2Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society, Boston 1964, p. 220.
3Simha Flapan, Zionism and the Palestinians, London 1979, p. 13.
4Ian Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control of a National Minority, Austin, Texas 1980, p. 311.
5Ibid., p. 177.
6Ibid., p. 246.
7Noam Chomsky, Towards a New Cold War: Essays on the Current Crisis and How We Got There, New York 1982, p. 51.
8Maxime Rodinson, Israel: A Colonial-Settler State?, New York 1973.
9Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader, New York 1970, p. 222.
10Ibid., p. 219.
11Ibid., p. 209.
12See for example the brilliant analysis by Nahman Syrkin in Hertzberg, pp. 337 -44.
13Theodor Herzl, The Jewish State, in Hertzberg, p. 225-6.
14Walter Laqueur, A History of Zionism, New York 1972, pp. 126-9.
15Shlomo Avineri, The Making of Modern Zionism: The Intellectual Origins of the Jewish State, New York 1981, p. 13.
16Ibid., p. 5.
17Ibid., p. 9.
18lbid., p. 13.
19David Ben-Gurion, Memoirs, Cleveland 1970, pp. 25-26.
20Avineri, p. 122.
21Edward Said, The Question of Palestine, New York. 1980, p. 95.
22See, for example, the 1940 statement by Joseph Weitz, director of the Jewish National Fund. Ibid., pp. 99-103.
23Laqueur, pp. 270-337; See Aaron David Gordon's writings in Hertzberg (pp. 368-387); see also Avineri, pp. 125-54.
24Aharon Cohen tells the stow of the struggle for an acceptable settlement between Jews and Arabs in Israel and the Arab World, abridged edn, Boston 1976.
25See Syrkin and Ber Borochov in Hertzberg, pp. 330-66.
26Joseph Neyer, 'The Myth of Zionist 'Original Sin': A Few Historical Notes', Irving Howe and Carl Gershman, Israel, The Arabs and The Middle East, New York 1972, p. 142.
27Marie Syrkin, 'The Palestinian Refugees: Resettlement. Repatriation, or Restora-
322 (pp. 230-258)
tion' Ibid., p. 177.
28Avineri, pp. 204-9.
29A. W. Kayyali, Palestine: A Modern History, London n.d., p. 230.
30Laqueur, p. 209.
31Kayyali, p. 95.
32Laqueur, p. 246. This is confirmed by Joel Beinen's 'The Palestine Communist Party 1919-48', Merip Reports , No. 55.
33Flapan, p. 83.
34A. B. Yehoshua, Between Right and Right, Garden City, New York 1981, p. 79.
35Ibid., p. 84.
36Ibid., p. 101; emphasis in original.
37Flapan, p. 83.
38Syrkin, p. 182.
39Said, p. xliii.
40AIl are presented, for example, in Frank Gervasi, The Case for Israel, New York 1967.
41Even the fact of a generation of native-born Israelis living in their country is not a compelling world-historical claim. In many eyes it simply recalls the claims of many even more deeply-entrenched European settlers of Algeria, Mozambique and Angola who were physically displaced as those countries were reclaimed by their original inhabitants.
42Emil L. Fackenheim, The Jewish Return into History: Reflections in the Age of Auschwitz and a New Jerusalem, New York 1978, p. 174.
43Ibid., p.. 282.
44Laqueur, pp. 215-16.
45Ibid., p. 595.
46I. F. Stone, Underground to Palestine, New York 1946.
47Yehoshua, p. 79.
48See Avineri, p. 45.
49Ibid., p. 122.
50Shlomo Avineri, 'Territory and Security', The Jerusalem Post International Edition, 26 September – 2 October 1982, p. 11.
51Menachem Begin, The Revolt, Los Angeles 1972, p. 60.
52Avineri, 'Territory and Security'; p. 11.
53Amos Kenan, 'Smothering Israel', The New York Times, 26 October 1982, p. 19.
54Lustick analyses a policy of 'segmentation', 'dependence', and 'cooptation'; see pp. 82-231.
55Avineri, The Making of Modern Zionism, p. 182.
7. Technological Madness
1Richard Falk, 'Political Anatomy of Nuclearism', in Robert Jay Lifton and Richard Falk, Indefensible Weapons: The Political and Psychological Case Against Nuclearism, New York 1982, p.212.
2Jonathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth, New York 1982, p. 182.
3Ibid., p. 43.
4Edward Thompson, 'Notes on Exterminism, The Last Stage of Civilization', In New Left Review ed., Exterminism and Cold War, London 1982, pp. 27-8.
5Schell, p. 139.
6Robert Jay Lifton, 'Imagining the Real', Indefensible Weapons, pp. 13-22.
7Ibid., p. 107.
8Herman Kahn, Thinking about the Unthinkable, London 1962, pp. 102-3.
9Ibid., p. 107.
(pp. 259-273) Notes 323
10Herman Kahn, On Thermonuclear War, Princeton 1960, pp. 40-95.
11Thinking about the Unthinkable, p. 102.
12Ibid., p. 101..
13Eugene Rostow in Robert Scheer With Enough Shovels: Reagan, Bush and Nuclear War, New York 1982, p. 101.
14Committee on the Present Danger, Scheer, p. 48.
15See interviews in Scheer with Warnke, MacNamara, Vance, York, Bethe.
16Lifton, p. 47.
17Ibid., p. 49.
l8Ibid., p. 68.
19For a development of these themes see Ronald Santoni, 'Nuclear Madness', Israel, ~.Chary and Shamni Davidson, The Book of the International Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide, Book Two: Towards Understanding, Intervention and Prevention of Genocide, Tel Aviv 1984.
20E. P. Thompson, A Letter to Americans', Thompson and Dan Smith ed., Protest and Survive, New York 1981, p. 37.
21Louis René Peres, Apocalypse: Nuclear Catastrophe in World Politics, Chicago 1980, p. 7.
22Scheer, p. 121.
23Lifton, p. 7.
24Thompson, 'Notes on Exterminism', p. 20
25Ibid., pp. 20-21.
26For a discussion of the early nuclear war decisions, as well as the decisions at each stage in the development of nuclear power, see Peter Pringle and James Spigelmen, The Nuclear Barons, New York 1981.
27Alan Wolfe, The Rise and Fall of the 'Soviet Threat': Domestic Sources of the Cold War Consensus, Washington 1979.
28A striking example is the remark to Scheer by Assistant Secretary of State Richard Burt that 'SALT was a favour to the Russians' because it conceded 'their arrival as a co-equal superpower' (p. 95).
29Rudolf Bahro, 'A New Approach for the Peace Movement in Germany', Exterminism and Cold War, p. 96.
30Thompson, p. 20.
31Daniel Ellsberg, Introduction to Protest and Survive, p. 1.
32Falk, pp. 178-180.
33Lifton, p. 108.
34Dr. Lynn Campbell, 'Nuclear Madness – Causes and Effects, Lecture at Lafayette Clinic, Detroit, 6 August 1982.
35Lifton, p. 102.
36Robert Kennedy, Thirteen Days: A Memoir of the Cuban Missile Crisis, New York 1969, p. 38.
37Ibid., p. 23.
38Note by Theodore Sorenson at the end of ibid., p. 128.
39Ibid., pp. 105-6.
40Ibid., p. 89.
41Ibid., p. 95.
42Ibid., p. 67.
43Falk, p. 229.
44John Somerville, The Crisis: The True Story about How the World Almost Ended, San Diego, California 1976, p. 56.
45Kennedy, p. 109.
46Somerville, p. 62.
324 (pp. 274-285)
47Falk, p. 151.
48Thompson, p. 23.
49See my Jean-Paul Sartre: Philosophy in the World, iii, ch. 4 and my 'Sartre's Turning Point: The Unfinished Critique de la raison dialectique, Volume Two', Paul Arthur Schilpp ed., The Philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre, LaSalle, Illinois, 1981.
50Falk, p. 226.
51Thompson, p. 15.
52Schell, p. 195.
53Ibid., p. 197.
54Ibid., p. 201.
55Kahn, Thinking about the Unthinkable, p. 111.
56Schell, p. 204. See also Kahn, On Thermonuclear War, pp. 181-5. But for Kahn's reservations see ibid., pp. 155-9.
57Falk, p. 171.
58Ibid., p. 220.
59Ibid., p. 223.
60Ibid., pp. 183-4.
61Ibid., p. 219.
62Ibid., p. 43.
63Ibid., p. 185.
64Ibid., see also Noam Chomsky, 'Strategic Arms, the Cold War and the Third World', Exterminism and Cold War, p. 235.
65Lifton, p. 75.
66Ibid., p. 32.
67Falk, p. 167.
68Bahro, p. 90.
69Ibid., p. 87.
70Ibid., pp. 87-8.
71Ibid., pp. 88-9.
72David F. Noble, America by Design: Science, Technology, and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism, New York 1977, p. xvii.
73Ibid., p. 3.
74Ibid., p. xxv.
75Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, p. 32.
76Ibid., p. 166.
77Noble, p. 321.
78Bahro, p. 89.
79Ibid., p. 88.
80Karl yon Clausewitz, On War, Princeton 1976, p. 149.
81Ibid., p. 605.
82Ibid.
83Schell, pp. 188-9.
84Clausewitz, p. 90.
85See Jeremy Seabrook, What Went Wrong?, New York 1978.
86Leiss, p. 79.
87Ibid., p. 86.
88Ibid., p. 96.
89William Ophuls, Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity, San Francisco 1977, pp. 184-91.
90Those controls over and above those indispensable for civilized human association, arising from specific institutions of domination. Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud, Boston 1966, p. 37.
(pp. 285-304) Notes 325
91Ibid., p. 136.
92Ibid., p. 143.
93Leiss, p. 198.
94Raymond Williams, 'The Politics of Nuclear Disarmament', Exterminism and Cold War, p. 69.
95Ibid.
96The Communist Manifesto, p. 496.
8. Lessons of the Present: Hope and Action Today
1Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, p. 257.
2Thomas Mann, Doctor Faustus: The Life of the German Composer Adrian Leverkühn as Told by a Friend, New York 1948, p. 491.
3See my 'Dear Herbert', George Fischer ed., The Revival of American Socialism, New York 1971.
4Marcuse reconsidered this conclusion, of course, in An Essay on Liberation (Boston 1966) and then again in The Aesthetic Dimension (1977).
5Plato, The Republic, F.M. Cornford trans., London 1941, vii: 519-21; pp. 233-6.
6Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness, New York 1957, p. 554.
7'Burnout' seems to be accompanied by despair at failing to achieve anything significant. Is the problem a lack of effectiveness or of knowing how to evaluate and recognize effectiveness?
8Sartre speaks of 'the joyful surprise which all assembled demonstrators feel when, on the occasion of a demonstration which has been forbidden by the police, they see individuals and small groups converging from every direction, more numerous than they had expected, and representing hope to everyone.' (Critique of Dialectical Reason, p. 375)
9Sartre has described the revolutionary process of 'the liquidation of an inert seriality' of separated individuals and its transformation into a 'fused group' with a common praxis. See pp. 351-404.
10Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Obsolete Communism: The Left-Wing Alternative, New York 1969.